It’s
a well-known fact that Hong Kong housing keeps scaling new heights. Just how
this phenomenon is felt by the people can be quantified by looking at terms
such as “Expensive Flats” in Google Trends, which indicates that home prices are
at their highest since 2011. While everyone blames this on low interest rate
and low supply, this article highlights another more significant yet overlooked
factor – the dysfunctional structure of Hong Kong’s housing supply.
Lost opportunity in housing reform – policy
intervention even worse now
One
of the main reasons that the last Chief Executive undertook reforms in public housing
infrastructure was that the government had no duty to subsidize property
investing. It is a shame that the government perpetuated the high land price
policy after the abolition of Home Ownership Scheme (HOS), preventing developers
from speedy replenishment of their landbanks at reasonable prices; this led to
a shortage of private sector supply to relieve the high home prices we see
today. It was also a gross oversight that the previous government failed to set
an upper limit for public housing (just like the Financial Secretary targeting
public spending at below 20% of GDP) to prevent welfare housing sector from
expanding endlessly. These two policy mistakes are fatal errors in the reform
of housing policies, we may be decades away before a similar opportunity
presents itself again.
The
combination of its planned economy philosophy and huge political pressure emanating
from the high home prices has led the current government to aggressively grab
land that would otherwise be building private sector housing. Meanwhile, the
ever lengthening Public Rental Housing (PRH) waiting list and massive
over-subscription in HOS sales reinforced in the minds of the administrators
the justification of ever deepening government intervention in the housing
market. As of now, private housing supply barely exceeds public housing supply
by 10,000 units over the next five years [Figure
1], but will likely be significantly overwhelmed by public supply in the
not too distant future. Amongst global housing markets, Hong Kong must rank
high in terms of the degree of government intervention and participation in housing
supply.
Figure 1: A possible completion pipeline in the next five years |
Government
exit needed to restore supply balance
At the top of the housing cycle, when the government diverts
tax payers’ money to subsidise public housing, the well-ordered equilibrium of
the market is broken – when faced with shortage of private land on the one
hand, and irrational, price insensitive competition of low end government housing
(HOS competes in the sales market while PRH competes in the rental market) on
the other, developers have no choice but to focus on the luxury segment. This polarisation
of the market (public housing flooding the low end coupled with private housing
migrating to the super high-end) seriously damages the structure of the market,
turning a smooth housing ladder into fragmented and disjoint segments with
administratively imposed high barriers to overcome between each micro segment.
The biggest victim of this tragedy is none other than the middle class, who can
neither qualify for the welfare paid by their tax money, nor afford the private
housing whose prices the policy helped elevate.
In light of this, the government should suspend any
further public housing plans and sell all public lands into the private market.
When there is adequate private land supply, developers would certainly sell
earlier and build faster, thereby bringing the whole housing supply chain
forward. In so doing, a more competitive private market emerges, relieving upward
pressure on home prices [Figure 2].
Figure 2: By combining all public land into private market, private housing supply rises by 112% |
Economics
101: more supply leads to lower prices
What the housing mandarins fail to realise is that the
“home price” people refer to is private housing prices, because the public
housing sector lacks a mature, open, and liquid system to reflect the balance
between supply and demand. As long as there is sufficient supply in the private
market, there is no need for a visible hand to set artificial prices or
otherwise interfere in market behaviour.
In addition, the pool of capital that can address private
home prices and consequently influence the public’s perception towards housing
market has never been natural end-users of public housing. Therefore, basing
public housing policy on private housing levels is strangely, barking up the
wrong tree – the objective outcome of the current housing policies is one of
grabbing private land, reducing private housing supply, and pushing up private
home prices.
When public housing has reduced private supply, the
same pool of capital is now forced to compete on a reduced allocation – how
could each private unit not see higher prices as a result? To give a simple
example, starting with a total 100 home buying dollars and total supply of ten
units, then government reduces private sector to only four units (government
policy targets 60% market share), higher home prices ($25/unit) inevitably
result [Figure 3].
Figure 3: Public housing takes away private supply, thereby lifting average price in the market |
On the contrary, if all public land is returned to private
housing, the number of private units will increase by 1.5 times, while average home
price would fall by 60% to $10 a unit [Figure
4]. This way, not only private home prices become much more affordable, the
political pressure due to high home prices also disappears.
Figure 4: When left to market, private housing supply rises and prices must fall |
It is obvious that by stepping back from
interventionism, the market will function as intended, and home prices will be
much more affordable. What is more, the people of Hong Kong will be able to buy
the right product that meets their needs, at prices they can afford. This is a
far more humane psychological condition than the current lottery mentality,
dreaming of receiving government handouts, and in many cases trying to hide
assets/income or giving up well-paid and promising careers to qualify for housing
welfare. This vastly opposite mentality between masters of own destiny and
low-esteem welfare recipient is what determines the future of Hong Kong.
Rear-view
mirror policy making is counterproductive
The public housing machinery that the former Chief
Executive failed to finish overhauling is characterised by a minority of officials
determining the fate of a massive asset class, while these bureaucrats lack
market experience, and have difficulty responding to market signals in a
rational way. This situation is made worse by welfare politicians high jacking
housing policy to extract maximum electoral benefits instead of serving the
needs of the people. It is unsurprising that the sphere of housing policy has
become a playground for vested interest groups.
What this set up leads to is that public housing
supply is ramped up the most when the ducks quack the loudest, usually at the
top of cycles. The government policies at these cycle peaks also inevitably attract
home buyers/renters which are most lacking in analytical abilities, least able
to afford, and most unequipped to fend off the risks of a subsequent price
collapse. Thanks to the most ill-timed government subsidies, these people
always buy homes at the highest prices with the highest leverage.
Once the property market has corrected, the peak of
public housing completion arrives on cue to worsen market vacancies when it is
already at its worst [Figure 5]. In
other words, government behaviour not only increase home price volatility, it
leads to higher construction costs, and lures the greedy seeking advantages
into welfare traps, if not worse – negative equity.
Figure 5: Public housing policy lags behind markets, raises price and supply volatilities |
Abandon intervention and return free
markets
At
the opposite end of the spectrum, private developers must meet market demands
at every turn in order to maximize profits. They will always increase supply
when price rises, even adding supply at a faster pace than the change in price
(because they are flexible in advancing or delaying presales). When the market
corrects, developers readily cuts prices and reduce supply, because they do not
have administrative inertia or procedures to deal with. This results in lower
price fluctuations [Figure 6: Blue line move faster than red line, thereby
reduces the steepness in the slope of red line] and fewer slogan chanting, ambulance chasing welfare politicians.
Figure 6: Private market adjusts supply and prices rapidly, avoids uncertainties of policy interventions |
The
naked and large scale government meddling in housing supply not only contradicts
basic economic principles, it also creates unfairness and wastes limited public
resources. The above analysis shows clearly the contrast between private
oriented and planned economy approaches to housing administration. We leave you
with a final chart of actual completion data – almost every time home prices
reaches a peak, the proportion of public housing completion surges [Chart 1], proving beyond doubt that our highly paid mandarins make the same
mistakes at the same points in every property cycle. The sad truth remains,
that we will be sure to witness another public housing tragedy in Hong Kong over
the next 4 years.
Knowing
that history repeats itself, the only and the right thing the civil servants should
do is to humbly acknowledge that the market knows far more than any small group
of smart individuals. Rather than arbitrarily thrust administrative coercion to
achieve exactly the opposite, why not just step aside and let the people
exercise their inborn economic liberties, thus reducing harm brought to the
people and their wellbeing.
Chart 1: Public housing supply peaks 4 years following every property cycle peak – demonstrating that the road to hell is paved with good intentions |
This article
was researched and written with significant input from Mr Tom NG Chun Wai,
whose contribution is greatly appreciated.
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